The Umno president may not be openly chasing the country’s top job, but Malaysia’s increasingly fragmented politics means the possibility can no longer be dismissed outright.
A few years ago, the suggestion might have been dismissed almost immediately. Today, however, the political landscape is sufficiently fluid for the possibility to warrant serious consideration. Zahid is already one of the most powerful politicians in the country. He is deputy prime minister, president of Umno and chairman of Barisan Nasional (BN). More importantly, he sits at the centre of a coalition that could once again become crucial in deciding who controls Putrajaya after the next general election. The key to understanding Zahid’s chances is therefore not simply his personal popularity. It is the numbers. Malaysia has entered an era in which winning the most seats does not necessarily guarantee control of Putrajaya. What ultimately matters is whether a political leader can command the confidence of a majority of MPs in the Dewan Rakyat.
GE15 demonstrated this clearly.
Neither Pakatan Harapan nor Perikatan Nasional secured enough seats to govern independently, leaving smaller blocs with considerable influence over the formation of the federal government. BN, despite suffering its worst-ever general election performance, suddenly found itself playing kingmaker. The coalition eventually backed Anwar Ibrahim and became one of the principal components of the unity government. That decision also returned Zahid to the centre of federal power. The question now is what happens if BN enters GE16 stronger than it entered GE15. Recent state election victories have given Umno reasons to believe a recovery is possible. Zahid has nevertheless warned party members against becoming complacent and has sought to portray those victories as part of a wider rebuilding process. At the 2026 Umno general assembly, he also unveiled the idea of an “Agenda Malaysia Biru” should BN return to lead Putrajaya.
That choice of language matters.
BN is not presenting itself merely as a permanent junior partner in someone else’s government. It still sees itself as a coalition capable of returning to federal leadership. And if BN wants to lead Putrajaya, an obvious question follows: who would lead BN? For now, the answer would naturally point towards Zahid.
One chair away
Zahid also possesses an advantage that many potential prime ministerial candidates do not. He is already deputy prime minister. There is no automatic constitutional succession from deputy prime minister to prime minister in Malaysia, but politically, occupying the second-highest position in government matters. Zahid has served in several senior Cabinet positions, leads one of Malaysia’s largest and oldest political parties, and has considerable experience dealing with both allies and rivals.
His political survival itself is notable.
After Umno lost federal power in 2018 and suffered another disastrous result in 2022, there were repeated questions over Zahid’s leadership. Yet he survived. Not only did he remain Umno president, he returned to government as deputy prime minister and has since maintained BN’s relevance within the federal administration. That ability to survive political crises should not be underestimated when discussing possible future leadership.
It all comes down to GE16
The simplest path to a Zahid premiership would be a major BN comeback at GE16. If BN were to emerge as the largest coalition, or at least one of the dominant blocs capable of forming the government with partners, Umno would have a strong argument for nominating its own president as prime minister. But BN does not necessarily need to finish first for Zahid to become relevant. A hung Parliament could produce an even more interesting situation. Suppose PH and PN both fall short of a majority while BN controls enough seats to determine which side can govern. The conversation would immediately resemble the aftermath of GE15. There would, however, be one major difference. Instead of asking which prime ministerial candidate BN should support, Umno could ask why the other parties should not support BN’s candidate. And that candidate could be Zahid. If neither PH nor PN can form a stable government without BN, Zahid’s bargaining position could become extremely powerful. In Malaysian politics, 30 or 40 strategically positioned MPs can sometimes be politically more valuable than a much larger bloc that has no viable route to a parliamentary majority.
Could PH support Zahid?
This would once have sounded almost unthinkable. But so did an Anwar-led government containing Umno. The political developments since 2018 have demonstrated that yesterday’s enemies can become tomorrow’s coalition partners when parliamentary numbers require compromise. Zahid has already spent several years governing alongside PH. That does not mean PH would automatically accept him as prime minister. Such a decision would undoubtedly be difficult for parts of PH and its supporters. But post-election negotiations are rarely conducted according to campaign rhetoric alone. If the alternatives were prolonged political instability, another election, or supporting a candidate from a rival coalition, parties would have to calculate which arrangement best protected their interests. The same applies to parties from Sabah and Sarawak. GPS and GRS could again become important players if GE16 produces a hung Parliament. For Zahid to become prime minister, therefore, his challenge would not simply be convincing Umno. He would have to become acceptable to enough MPs outside BN.
What about Anwar?
For now, there is no indication that Zahid is attempting to remove Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Zahid has repeatedly rejected suggestions of a rift between them and has publicly maintained BN’s commitment to political stability. He also said recently that it was too early for BN to name its prime ministerial candidate for GE16. Therefore, talk of a Zahid premiership should not be interpreted as evidence of an imminent move against Anwar. The more realistic scenario begins after GE16. If Anwar and PH secure a convincing mandate, the discussion largely disappears. If PN wins enough seats to form a government with its preferred partners, Zahid’s chances similarly diminish. But if Malaysia wakes up after GE16 to another hung Parliament, every assumption could change overnight.
The biggest problem: Zahid himself
There is, however, an uncomfortable reality for Umno. Zahid’s greatest political asset may also be his greatest obstacle. He commands the party machinery and has demonstrated extraordinary political resilience, but whether he can command broad public acceptance as a prime ministerial candidate is another question. General elections are not decided only inside party headquarters. A candidate for prime minister must eventually be sellable to voters, coalition partners and MPs from different political backgrounds. BN would therefore have to decide whether Zahid’s organisational strength outweighs the political baggage associated with his long career. That could ultimately determine whether Umno pushes his name or searches for another candidate considered more acceptable across coalition lines.
Never say never
Malaysia has had six prime ministers since 2018. That fact alone should make political observers cautious about declaring any plausible scenario impossible. Mahathir Mohamad returned to office more than a decade after leaving it. Muhyiddin Yassin became prime minister without leading his coalition through a general election victory. Ismail Sabri Yaakob became prime minister despite not being Umno president. Anwar finally reached Putrajaya after decades of political battles, imprisonment and opposition. Malaysian politics rarely follows a straight line. Zahid’s route would be unconventional too. He does not necessarily need Umno to return to the dominance it enjoyed before 2018. He needs BN to recover enough seats to become indispensable. That distinction is important. If BN wins only a small number of parliamentary seats at GE16, Zahid will have limited leverage. If it wins enough to become kingmaker again, he becomes considerably more important. And if BN makes a major comeback, the question of Zahid becoming prime minister moves from political speculation into genuine possibility. Ultimately, the most important question after GE16 may not be whether BN wins the election.
